To understand radical Hindutva, one must consider its domestic origins as well as its foreign influence. In the 1930s, Hindu nationalism, directly inspired by European fascism, identified people 'different from themselves' as 'enemies'. Radical Hindutva leaders have repeatedly praised authoritarian rulers, such as Mussolini and Hitler, and fascist-style societies. This trend continues today. And so the dark cloud of fear is gradually gathering over Indian public life. Fascist tendencies have taken root at all levels of the state system. And alongside that, there is a manipulation to justify fundamentalist ideology. An attempt is being made to create a sense of nationalism mixed with the totalitarianism of fascism, where the poisonous tree of division is being carefully nurtured. Maria Casolari is doing the urgent work of bringing the dark side of Hindutva to light. Her original article was published in the January 22, 2000 issue of Economic and Political Weekly.
The first contact between Hindu nationalists and European fascists was in the 1930s. B.S. Munge, while in Europe attending the Round Table Conference, went to Italy and met Mussolini himself. Maria gives a detailed account of this meeting in her article. In 1934, the Italian Institute for the Middle and Far East and the then Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, had 'close contact'. Shyama Prasad joined the Hindu Mahasabha shortly after in 1938. In the late 1930s, 'Hindu Outlook' and 'Mahratta' newspapers published articles praising General Franco, Mussolini and Hitler.
Golwalkar clearly stated in his book 'Rashtra-Mimamsa' that he was inspired by Hitler's ideology. What particularly attracted him was the Nazis' brutal treatment of the Semitic race, specifically the Jews. Hindutva activists compared India to the Jewish exodus and continued to loudly advocate the expulsion of Muslims from the country.
Maria's account of the links between leading Hindutva extremist leaders like Munje and Vinayak Savarkar with Italian fascism and German Nazism is supported by documents from Indian and foreign archives, strengthening the credibility of the overall statement. At the same time, many unknown facts have come to our attention about the ideological and organizational origins of radical Hindutva. This article has made us understand what a terrible legacy the RSS and its supporters are carrying.
Foreign Links of Hindutva - 1930s.. Testimony from the Archives.. Maria Casolari
The term 'fascist' has recently been used to describe the ideology and activities of Hindu extremist organizations, not only by opponents of Hindu fundamentalism, but also by those who criticize them but do not hold a negative attitude. Politically minded writers and scholars have begun to think deeply about the undemocratic, authoritarian, paramilitary, radical and violent tendencies of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the militant organizations of Hindutva in general, and their sympathy for fascist ideologies and programs. The same thing can be observed in several writings, which began from the time of Gandhi's assassination. This trend continues even today. Based on the evidence of all these attempts, the fascist ideological background of Hindu fundamentalism has been accepted as an established truth. However, there is a lack of specific analysis in this regard. The reason for this is probably,
Amartya Sen: India at Risk (The New York Review of Books, April, 1993); Christophe Jaffertot: The Hindu Nationalist Movement in In dia (Viking, New Delhi, 96) Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags (Orient Longman, New Delhi:93)
Many of those who observed the formation of radical Hindu forces in the period surrounding World War II were immediately aware of the fascist outlook of the Sangh Parivar. The attitude towards Hindu fundamentalist organizations, especially the Congress, was sharp. Nehru had labelled them as divisive and fascist from the very beginning. However, what is not known to everyone is that when the RSS was first banned after Gandhi's assassination, a secret report circulated within the Congress emphasized the similarities between the RSS's character and fascist organisations. The report stated that,
(1) The RSS began as a kind of Hindu Boy Scout movement in Nagpur. Gradually, it became communally militant and violent.
(2) The RSS was a completely Maharashtrian Brahmin-dominated organisation. Hence, the majority of non-Brahmins among the residents of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra had no sympathy for it.
(3) Even in other states, the main organisers and full-time workers were definitely Maharashtrians.
(4) Through RSS, the Maharashtrian Brahmins dream of establishing 'Peshwa Raj' in India after the British leave. The RSS flag is the 'Bhagwa Dhvaja' of the Peshwas.* The Peshwas were the last to surrender to the British. Therefore, this flag or banner of the end of British rule in India was first of Ramchandra and later used by Shivaji. Then the Maharashtrians should come into political power.
(5) RSS practices secret, violent methods to nurture fascism. They do not care about truthfulness and constitutional path.
(6) This organization has no constitution. Its aims and objectives are not clearly stated. The general public is only informed that the sole aim of the RSS is physical exercise. The real aim is kept hidden even from its active workers. Only a handful of people in the 'inner circle' know the real plans of the organization.
(7) RSS does not have any documents or minutes. It does not keep a list of members. It also does not have any accounts of income and expenditure. That is, from an organizational point of view, there is secrecy in the activities of RSS.
[National Archives of India (NAI), Sardar Patel Correspondence, Microfilm, reel no 3, A Note on the RSS, undated].
Unfortunately, this document has come to an abrupt end. However, it is not difficult to understand from this what kind of 'reputation' the RSS had acquired in the latter half of the 1940s.
The aforementioned document is not an exceptional example. The extent and significance of the links between Hindu nationalist organizations and Italian fascism can be understood from various documents of Hindu nationalist organizations, their opponents, and the police. Not only did the most important Hindutva organizations consciously and willingly adopt fascist ideology, but fascist Italy had direct contact with representatives of the front-line Hindu fundamentalist organizations.
PUBLISHED ON 20.02.2026
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